The British legal system has evolved significantly over the
last ten years while maintaining the underlying trends that were never subject
to challenge at least radically. This transformation, especially following the
enactment of Human Rights Act 1998, owes much to the reaction to the state of
British society before the election of Prime Minister Tony Blair in 1997.
The question of a bill of rights arose in a context where
human rights violations by the executive were particularly acute. The reform of
incorporating the European Convention on Human Rights through an act of
Parliament, the HRA, therefore, occurred in a political context where the
judges actually became the last bastion of protection of rights and freedoms. A
power struggle is particularly intense therefore expressed between power and
judicial power legislation.(Poole, Thomas, 2011)
The HRA replays the theme of the power struggle between the
established powers while preserving the principle of parliamentary
sovereignty. It also expresses the possible
declaration of incompatibility of the proposed legislation by the government
and the executive the power to override.
It is therefore clear that the HRA merely prolongs the
reality of relations between the powers. It provides that in cases of manifest
incompatibility of the legislation, the judge may make a declaration of
incompatibility. But this possibility is limited to the highest courts and only
opens a possibility for the Minister to amend or repeal the legislation to
remedy the illegality of the text. The Minister's power remains discretionary
so that the judiciary does not know the legality of British texts,
notwithstanding their implementation in cases of jurisprudence.(Kavanagh, 2009)
How do Judges deal with Statutory Interpretation?
Statutory Interpretation is the process through which judges
interpret certain legislation and apply it. However due to the various reasons
that may be involved there are a couple of regulatory outlines that have been
highlighted by judges themselves to simplify matters. For this there are a
number of canons devised through which these issues are addressed. These
include:
· Textual:
these are generally the rules of thumb based on the surface and apparent
meaning of words stated in the legislation and the subsequent interpretation
that is made.
· Substantive:
this particular form of canon instructs the court to encourage an
interpretation that is in favor or in accordance with the contemporary customs
and culture prevalent in the society.
· Deference: this canon intends to base its
interpretation of any other institution. For example the Congress which is the
prime law making body in the country can be used for this purpose.
Literal Rule
Under the literal rule of statutory interpretation, the
first rule or interpretation of any legislation is considered to be the final
one. It is on the basis of literal rule due to which words are given their
literal meaning and the interpretation of words present in the legislation is
also made on these standards.
Golden Rule
When a Golden rule is applied to statutory interpretation,
it implies that the judge has the authority and the power to deviate from the
normal meaning of the words present in the legislation in order to avoid an
absurd result.
Mischief Rule
In case of applying the Mischief Rule the court and judges
intend to address and seek the attention of Parliaments and its members
regarding the loopholes or shortcomings of any previously promulgated law. The
term mischief is used to find any defect that the former law had which in
turned beget to the formation of the new legislation.
Purposive Approach
The Purposive Approach has been designed in recent times in
order to not just simply to address the loopholes that may be present in
previous laws, but, it also intends to help the Parliament in achieving the
function from the devised law. With the help of this approach gaps between the
process of law making and its interpretation are shortened.
Rules of the law
The procedure under the HRA is therefore presented as an
exchange between legislating and judicial powers, which lends credence to the
idea of institutional balance of power in which the first attempts to push
through measures in the form of primary legislation or secondary and the second
to detect illegalities in order to make these measurements with the rights
protected under the European Convention on Human Rights and incorporated by the
HRA.
Consider that the mission of judges is not to oppose in
principle the executive but to preserve the coherence of the legal system. This
ability to judge the opposition is anyway limited by the duty of consistent
interpretation, that is to say an obligation to "read" and "give
effect" to the legislation in a manner consistent with the intention of
Parliament which voted the HRA.(Cousins, 2010)
More than increases in the ratio of forces in favor of
judges, the HRA confirms that fundamental rights are at the heart of this issue
therefore it can not shift the balance of institutional forces. There, in that
decisions made under the HRA are becoming more numerous and show a daring
increasingly evident from the judiciary vis-à-vis the legislation initiated by
the government majority, but also bills themselves when judges exercise their
power to control.
The Pinochet case which announced that judges can use the
HRA was not yet in force. But it is especially in the post-September 11 that
this trend continued. Measures to fight against terrorism sparked action on the
basis of the violation of rights incorporated by the HRA.(Howard, 2005)
It is indeed not without interest for the executive who can
legally impose its decision. But it is the judges who make use of it more
significant since they are obliged to justify their decision as it aims to be
interpreted in a "constructive" legislation in force, that is to say
to stand up to the will of executive power maintained.
The Human Rights Act provided the legislative amendments in
Parliament. By this means, the law seeks to preserve parliamentary sovereignty.
It is certain to say that an interpretation that differs substantially from the
basic meaning of an Act of Parliament crossed the line between interpretation
and amendment. This is especially true when the difference has important
practical implications that courts are not qualified to assess. House of Lords
therefore proceeds to control for manifest error of interpretation by lower
courts.37 Section 3 is the core provisions of the Human Rights Act, but is both
imprecise and difficult to implement, as shown by a decision of the House of
Lords, R. v. A.(Brown, 2000)
This shows risks to judges when they make use of Section 3.
The risks faced by judges in their role as interpreters of the law were evident
in that case. This decision was one of the most controversial made under the
Human Rights Act. In this case, an individual was accused of rape. In his
defense, he invoked the consent of the victim.
Section 41 of the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act
1999 limits the opportunities to question the victim about his sexual behavior
when the defense invokes his consent (this measure is known as the rape
shield). However, the defendant believed that this provision violates Article 6
of the European Convention on Human Rights, and invites the Lords to interpret
section 41 in a way that is absolutely compatible with the Convention.
Application of Law under different scenarios
The majority of Lords approves this argument, but two
visions of the interpretation can be drawn. Lord Steyn has a vision having very
"robust" interpretation. The duty to interpret Section 3 is a strong
obligation. It applies even if there is no ambiguity in language. The White
Paper is clear when it states that the obligation goes beyond the rule that
allows courts to consider the Convention to resolve ambiguity.
The drafters had the model of Section 6 of the New Zealand
Bill of Rights Act 1990, but preferred stronger language. Under ordinary
methods of interpretation, a court can distinguish the words of a statute to
avoid absurd consequences; Section 3 goes much further. Lord Steyn gives the
judges a very important role, despite the consequences, as in R. v. A. Lord
Hope had a more conservative role of the judge: "compatibility with the
Convention rights is the only guiding principle. (Buxton, 2009)
This is the major objective of this rule. But this is only a
rule of interpretation and it does not empower judges to legislate.
Compatibility should be found that where possible, and it is not possible where
the law contains provisions that contradict the sense that the law can have if
it is interpreted consistently.
Early on, the leading English theorists had predicted that,
under the influence of Community law and European law on human rights, the
English Lords would acquire the power of constitutional review of legislation
directly from Parliament (primary legislation) they could use "more freely".
It appears that the incorporation of the European Convention on Human Rights
into domestic law and jurisprudence that has developed have contributed to a
kind of acclimatization of the British legal system while retaining its
characteristics.
It is particularly noteworthy that the relative strengths of
the established powers have not been destroyed by this novelty. Conversely, it
was maintained in an overall goal of balance.
In general, the refutation of the two ideas led starting to
recognize that far from abolishing centuries of common law already founders of
realism of the judges, the new Supreme Court could well reinforce this trend by
facilitating which may sometimes be a complex argument, which showed such
flexibility supreme judges necessarily constrained by the institutional front.
In other words, one can form the hypothesis that the
independence of the judiciary strengthened by the constitutional reform will
have a liberating effect on the reasoning of the judge on British constitution
and therefore the realism that he can show while coming up with his
interpretation of the law.
To understand the Human Rights Act, it is necessary to
analyze the context in which reform is. This is the unwritten constitution of a
Parliament, as the saying goes," it can do everything except change a man
into a woman," and therefore can not be impeded or denied. This doctrine
of parliamentary sovereignty is likely to affect the efficiency of the same
Bill of Rights, and a compromise must be found to ensure the protection of human
rights.(Cross, 2004)
Judges are therefore at the center of the Human Rights Act,
and play a major role in protecting human rights, which is not a great
revolution in common law countries. However, the risk of politicisation of
judges was denounced during the debate on the Bill of Rights. Of course, judges
can set aside a law they consider incompatible with the Convention.
But the statutory authority to interpret laws consistently
with the Convention can result in a distortion of the meaning of the law, as
shown in R. v. A. It is therefore a potentially far more dangerous power to
parliamentary sovereignty that the declaration of incompatibility. This paradox
is difficult to understand, and it leads individuals to damaging legal essence
and creating uncertainty.
It can be seen in this form of care associated with the
increase of power of this magnitude, the realism that British judges are
accustomed to. It is also reminiscent of the trust to which A. V. Dicey was
referring to prefer a system of parliamentary supremacy unchanged to a modified
system incorporating such a new bill of rights or even a fully codified
constitution: the specificity of the "constitution" British would
obviate all risks .
This classic design, now surpassed by the recent reforms, is
nevertheless something that echoes a more accurate representation of the
institutional role of the common law, a pillar of the British state.
It also explains that proponents of evolution of the British
constitution, which the judges themselves have preferred the common law as a
source of new powers relating to the incorporation of new standards such as the
rights of the European Convention and completeness of Community law. In this
way, they guaranteed against risks since relying on the contents of the common
law, they did invoke the institutional foundations of the legal and political
system.(Harris, 2002)
Conclusion
The original idea of this is that Coke has largely
contributed to establish itself as the British legal tradition or culture: all
the solutions already exist. Therefore, the common law transcends the powers
conferred in that it follows from the materiality of an objective reality.
The same arguments lead to understand that the realism of a
British constitutional judge is not only an opportunity offered to him on the
occasion of his jurisprudential work, but a practical necessity in accordance
with its old identity as well as its contemporary evolution.(Shell, 2007)
The neutralization of the two prior assumptions about the
realism of British constitutional judge can put forward a new proposal that the
creation of a Supreme Court of the United Kingdom sets the stage for a reformed
realism. Reform is the term used about the constitutional amendments introduced
in the UK by the Act of 2005. It should be observed the use of that term in
that it indicates a reshaping of the relationship between the established
powers.
This fitness is a relatively recent line of cases if it is
related to time along the common law. It is to assert the independence of the
judiciary from the other two powers, legislative and executive branches. It
occurred including the cumulative effect of increased tension between the
established powers and the incorporation of the European Convention on Human
Rights by the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA).
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